In the
Elementary Aspects, Guha had conceptualized
a framework of binaries of domination/subordination, political/pre-political
and elite/non-elite. His belief that the subaltern could be understood through
a point of comparison led him to imagine its existence in an “autonomous domain”
of Indian politics. This signaled a movement in the concept of subalternity
towards a parallel sphere of influence “that neither originated from elite
politics, nor did its existence depend
upon the latter”. It was not “pre-political” as Guha shows in his analysis of peasant
insurgency, that the subaltern had a consciousness of its own which worked through
some “elementary forms” of resistance; negation, desecration some “elementary forms” of resistance: negation,
desecration, inversion, solidarity, territoriality, transmission. What this
structure suggests is that Guha was not aiming at producing a narrow and
particular historiography of a few peasant insurgencies. By arguing against the
idea of subaltern activities as “spontaneous” and “unpremeditated affairs” he
established a template that could be unproblematically mapped onto every
insurgency and could explain its inherent logic. To my mind, this represented a
structure that ignored the possibility of historical
difference. Guha’s elementary framework sees itself as forming the “pillars of
politics and of any collective action everywhere what so ever”. To me, Guha
through his structural technique, was implicated in some kind of essentialism and was even “foundational” in the way Gyan Prakash understands the term: as categories “which
are at some level fixed and essential, as if history were “ultimately founded
in and representable through some identity-individual, class, structure”. On the
other hand, Gyan Prakash situates Subaltern
Studies Project as a post foundational history directed towards a post-structuralist
thought. He claims it has overcome the
depictions of India in Orientalist texts as passive and separate and in
nationalist texts as autonomous and essential. In as far as Prakash talks about
a need to move beyond essentializing categories, one can agree. But given Guha’s
structural analysis of peasant insurgency as an example, this essentialism seems
to be prevalent even in Subaltern Studies. Prakash seems to negate his own
stance. He sees this field as emancipatory in that it looks
beyond essences to the significance of “power relations”. But then he is so
annoying when he says “it should be clear that Subaltern Studies project shares
some of the structuralist and
post-structuralist critiques of the autonomous and sovereign subject”.
Rosy Hanlon and Washbrook perhaps make a better
case by suggesting that what Prakash overlooks is the significance of categories.
“we cannot do without some categories, and some means of evaluating orders of certainty
in order to comprehend, to explain, to elucidate and to do. They need to be
understood as inventions of our own necessity”. I get the feeling in their essay that somehow history writing
cannot be completely divorced from what Prakash thinks of as "foundationalism" .
If foundationalism was something critical to nationalist and Orientalist forms
of history writing, then perhaps we yet haven’t made the break to really be
thinking of a “post”-foundational history. Already, ideas such as “post-Orientalist”, “post
structuralist” , “post-colonialism”, “post-modernism” and so on are very problematic as they suggest a rupture in time when what we
see is a continuity of ideas.
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